This month point out the fiftieth anniversary of the serialized publication of “The Philippine Crisis” in the Philippine Collegian, the prestigious university of the Philippines (UP) Diliman campus newspaper in July 1970. Composed by Jose Ma. Sison, founder and head the the Communist Party that the Philippines (CPP), “The Philippine Crisis” was published under the pseudonym Amado Guerrero. By September, two succeeding chapters had actually been published in serial kind in various other campus newspapers.

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Before the end of the year, the serialized chapters were compiled right into a single volume, currently entitled Philippine culture and Revolution, and were gift circulated in mimeographed type under the imprint “Revolutionary college of Mao Tse-Tung Thought.” In 1971 it was published as a little red publication by Pulang Tala Publications. According to Sison, the book was sold “mainly in the lobbies in ~ UP Diliman.” PSR, as it came to be known, has actually served together the core text of the CPP for the past fifty years.

In his brief introduction to PSR, Sison wrote, “The author offers this publication as a starting point because that every patriot in the land.” PSR was divided into 3 parts, in keeping with its early stage serialized division: a evaluation of Philippine history, simple Problems of the Filipino People, and The People’s autonomous Revolution.

Those interested in a cautious reading the PSR with citations and page numbers are urged to access my doctoral dissertation, dilemm of Revolutionary Leadership, which is freely available online.

PSR‘s influence on Philippine national politics cannot be overstated. It shame not only the program and perspective that the party itself, but additionally the language and also orientation of emerging mass activities over the course of five decades. In plenty of incalculable methods it molded the discourse the the humanities and also social scientific researches in the Philippines and also gave form and contents to art and literature. At time this affect was a conscious one, but it often had a an ext subtle, diffuse effect. The language of PSR regarding the goal of national democracy and also the political tasks which this goal entailed spread out widely, in certain periods becoming almost ubiquitous.

The message was written as a polemic against Jesus Lava and the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP), not as an abstract review of timeless politics principles. That a polemic v a political adversary should become the central text the a movement was in maintaining with the background of Marxism and also Communism, plenty of of the core works of which originated in an argumentative grappling v a competitor thinker over the definition of crucial historical advances and the programmatic conclusions come be acquired from them.

“The Philippine Crisis” first appears in the Collegian

PSR, however, do no initiative to situate chin in this Marxist tradition. In ~ no point did it present itself as a development in the background of Marxism; over there is no a solitary line devoted to the politics or theoretical continuity of Marxist thought. Its history and that is outlook high solution circumscribed, PSR is, to its core, a conference document. This is why Sison inscriptions the publication to “all patriots” and also not to the global working class.

Pause because that a moment to reflect ~ above what is not had in this text and you begin to get a sense of just how parochial that is, exactly how unwilling to gaze beyond the archipelago.

PSR, a text dedicated to revolution, provides no cite of the 1789 French revolution nor go it encompass a word on 1848 and also the transformations that rocked Europe. What was their course character? What lessons must be acquired for future struggles?

It it s okay worse. Stunningly lacking is 1917. No February nor October merit even passing mention. PSR is entirely silent ~ above seizure of strength by the Russian functioning class and also the function of the Bolshevik party. The CPP, a party that bore the surname Communist, had nothing come say about the main event of the twentieth century, the occasion without which they would certainly not exist. What was the definition of this event for the world’s functioning class? for the Filipino masses?

Again, what of the 1926-27 Chinese transformation and the betrayal and crushing by the KMT? this were events of instant relevance come the political questions confronting employees in nations of belated capitalist breakthrough around the globe. PSR was silent.

Scan the pages the PSR and shot to find cite of the Communist Manifesto. That is absent. So as well is Capital. Marx himself is absent, other than as a header in the phrase “Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought.” Engels, Plekhanov, Luxemburg, Trotsky, Kautsky — that is as if they never ever existed. PSR apparently concerned their disputes and also ideas as irregularity to the battles of the Filipino masses.

The background of Marxism is not the just glaring lacuna. This job-related was created in 1970 yet the vital problems and also revolutionary battles gripping the world were likewise treated together irrelevant. The Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) to be slaughtered in 1965-66, yet neither the PKI no one its massacre merited mention. Suharto, currently ruling together dictator in Indonesia, was similarly absent. An evaluation of his climb was an essential to an knowledge of the trajectory that Marcos, but PSR had actually nothing to say top top this point.

Ho Chi Minh, the Vietminh, the Vietcong — the Vietnam war was the foremost political situation in the world, yet PSR was silent.

Lin Biao, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi — when the message heralded “Mao Zedong Thought,” it made no examination of the dilemm gripping the Chinese Communist Party. PSR was silent.

The Cuban revolution was mentioned once, yet here the parochialism of PSR is even more striking, because that it was stated only because that the affect which it had actually on Philippine sugar production. Its class character, its outcome, the mindset which Filipino workers should take in the direction of it? PSR to be silent.

These glaring silences did not express a want of room but fairly a absence of interest. Once it appeared in 1971, PSR was almost three hundred pages long and also it specialized paragraphs come what “racial stocks” made up the “Filipino people,” but none come the history or theoretical heritage of Marxism, and also none come the broader world.

If PSR was concerned with neither the background of Marxism no one of an international developments, what to be its main point conception?

Sison and also a team of co-thinkers were expelled native the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) in April 1967. In beforehand 1969 the expelled cohort founded the Communist Party that the Philippines (CPP). The PKP and the CPP common a political program, the regimen of Stalinism, however they were separated sharply over how to acheive that is ends.

Stalinism to be the programmatic expression that the politics interests the privileged great of the ruling party bureaucracies in Moscow and also Beijing. Seeking come defend and expand the social basis of their positions, the bureaucrats put forward the conference perspective of structure socialism in one country as the paramount political task. People socialist transformation was subordinate to this end.

Illustration accompanying the publishing of “The Philippine Crisis” in the Collegian

Looking come secure diplomatic and trade relationships in service to the building of the national economy, the Stalinist bureaucracies sought political resources with which to negotiate with the ruling class in countries approximately the world. To this finish they rehabilitated the old Menshevik heat of a two-stage revolution. Castle instructed Communist parties approximately the world that the jobs of the change in which lock were engaged were not yet socialist in character yet national and also democratic only. A section of the capitalist class, they claimed, would certainly play a progressive duty in this necessary very first stage. The duty of the Communist party leadership was therefore to secure an alliance through this gradual section that the so-called ‘national bourgeoisie,’ and to carry the pressure and support that a mass activity behind it. In this way, the Stalinist bureaucracies could bargain through the judgment elite roughly the globe, calling turn off strikes and also supplying fixed electoral assistance in exchange because that favorable diplomacy and trade deals.

Many that the leading political operatives at the helm that Communist next were drawn to the routine of Stalinism due to the fact that it was viewed as a means of implementing conference reforms. Sison and also Lava mutual this enthusiasm. It enabled them to deploy the banner that Marxism and use the to victory mass support for the industrialization of the economic situation under native capitalist ownership, in opposition to the manage of major foreign corporations. Loans from and also trade with the Soviet bloc were watched as secondary measure in furtherance that this end. Once he to be still a leading member that the PKP, Sison had actually organized mass assistance for Ferdinand Marcos ~ above this basis and endorsed his choice in 1965.

Moscow and also Beijing, both cursed to the building and construction of socialism in ~ their own borders, never linked their economies. Your divergent national interests for sure conflicted, offering rise come rivalry, then open split and also armed conflict. The uneven economic breakthrough of the 2 countries and their starkly various geopolitical circumstances fueled the tensions between them. Located behind the buffer ar of eastern Europe and also resting top top a relatively stable industrial base, Moscow articulated a plan of ‘peaceful coexistence’ v Washington and established friendly ties v autocrats.

The second chapter the “The Philippine Crisis” first appears in Ang Malaya (Philippine university of Commerce, now Polytechnic college of the Philippines, student publication).

Beijing, in contrast, uncovered itself in the mid-1960s threatened on all sides, encountering the brewing threat posed by the US invasion of Vietnam and the lose of that is largest worldwide ally, the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), which to be slaughtered in Suharto’s seizure of strength in 1965-66. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sought come whip up armed struggle throughout the an ar to diffuse the hazard of us imperialism native China’s immense imperiled borders. When Moscow adopted the Shah, Lin Biao articulated the line of protracted people’s war, equipped uprisings transparent the ‘countryside the the world’ donate by China, the ‘Yan’an of people revolution.’

By the end of the te the principles of Lin Biao had merged in the popular creativity of a generation the youth with images of Mao’s little Red book and cultural revolution, and the amalgam was seen as the embodiment that true revolutionary politics, in opposition come the conservative bureaucratism the Brezhnev. Parties separation along these lines. The breakaway leaderships did no oppose the Stalinist perspective of an alliance through a section of the capitalist class, but they sought to secure this alliance not through loans from Moscow but with the radical cachet that the political line of Beijing, which provided them a grip on the creativity of the burgeoning protest movement.

This then to be Sison’s concern: to use the strategy that protracted people’s battle to secure hold over the cultivation social unrest of the time and then to usage this mass basic to kind an alliance v a section of the capitalist class. Indigenous 1970-72, the CPP and its prior organizations, for all their speak of protracted people’s war, to be in an intimate alliance v the elite opposition to Marcos, i beg your pardon was arranged in the free Party. The CPP allied v the sugar barons and their politics representatives; the PKP, meanwhile, allied v Marcos.

PSR thus needed to create that the fail of the PKP in the previous were the result of that leadership, the Lavas, and also not of its program, Stalinism. PSR seek to demonstrate that Stalinism to be in fact correct: the problems in the Philippines precluded any struggle for socialism at present, a section of the capitalist class was necessarily progressive, and it was the task of workers and also peasants to allied with and support it.

In the first week that July, Joma Sison created an open letter, which he signed v his actual name and sent come Vicente Clemente, secretary basic of the motion for a autonomous Philippines. Clemente had actually the letter released in a number of newspapers, including the Collegian. In his letter, Sison declared

The an ext the Marcos fascist clique will to the usage of the army, police, courts and prisons come oppress the world the an ext shall it bring infamy unto itself and also spell clearer the utter bankruptcy the the existing reactionary state the is the puppet of united state imperialism and class tool of the compradors and also landlords. The Marcos fascist clique has emerged as one unmitigated foe of Filipino independence and also democracy….

But fascism will just cast an ext fuel to the flames that the revolutionary fixed movement.

I speak to upon the world of every patriotic class and group come close ranks and oppose the campaign of fascist terror being waged by the Marcos puppet clique. I believe the civilization will never ever waver in fighting for and depending <sic> their own sovereignty and also democratic rights.

Sison was repeating a rhetorical clip of the CPP: fascism aided the expansion of change for “repression breeds resistance.” He stated that “I shall soon issue another book i beg your pardon I have actually been researching on and writing since last year.” This to be a impressive slip ~ above Sison’s part, for the book which he was around to publish to be Philippine society and Revolution, which appeared under the surname Amado Guerrero. Sison, in ~ the time, vehemently denied that he to be Guerrero, and the CPP denounced anyone who made the identification.

Sison letter (Philippine Collegian, 8 July 1970)

PSR, together it rapidly came to be known, was an initial published in installments in college newspapers beginning in late July 1970. At the time of its serialized publication the work was entitled “The Philippine Crisis”. The first chapter was released as “Review the Philippine History” in the Collegian; the 2nd chapter was published as “Basic troubles of the Filipino People” in Ang Malaya, the student document of the PCC; and also the 3rd in Guidon in ~ Ateneo. Every chapter to be serialized in installments throughout multiple worries of the student paper, and thus every week a brand-new chunk that Sison’s work appeared on campus.

In the July 23 issue, which published the very first installment that “The Philippine Crisis”, Popoy Valencia, member the the Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK) and editor the the Collegian, included an editorial statement: “This week we print the very first part of an intriguing record mailed come the Collegian and purports <sic> to it is in a thing of a book by one Amado Guerrero. We have actually no way of verifying whether the author is the same Amado Guerrero labeled by the AFP as main committee chairman of the Communist Party that the Philippines.”

The continuing serialization that “The Philippine Crisis” in Ang Malaya.

The second chapter showed up in the September 21 and also subsequent worries of Ang Malaya. The editor — Jaime FlorCruz — consisted of a note, “This article was sent out to Ang Malaya by letter by we-don’t-know-who. Us cannot ascertain whether or no this is a continuation of the post published in some school files recently. Nor have the right to we ascertain even if it is this was composed by the exact same Amado Guerrero as there to be no by-line in the copy sent. Nevertheless because of the social, political, and economic significance — and also because that its literature merit — we room serializing this post to become a component of our readings.”

The structure of PSR complied with a pattern developed by Mao Zedong. Writing in Yan’an in the winter that 1939, Mao published a work entitled The Chinese change and the Chinese Communist Party, i m sorry was split into 2 chapters — “Chinese Society” and also “The Chinese Revolution.” In the first chapter, Mao created that imperialism had actually made China a semi-feudal, semi-colonial country, in i beg your pardon “he contradiction between imperialism and also the Chinese country and the contradiction in between feudalism and the an excellent masses the the human being are the an easy contradictions in contemporary Chinese society.” top top this basis, Mao said in the 2nd chapter the “nquestionably, the main tasks are to strike at these 2 enemies, to lug out a national change to overthrow international imperialist oppression and a democratic change to overthrow feudal landlord oppression.” Mao climate analyzed every of the great in Chinese culture — landlords, bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, peasantry, and proletariat, illustration a sharp distinction between the “comprador big bourgeoisie” and also the “national bourgeoisie,” because that the latter “can come to be a revolutionary force.” Mao concluded that the Chinese transformation was a “two-fold task” — “o finish China’s bourgeois-democratic revolution (the new-democratic revolution) and also to change it into a socialist revolution when every the necessary conditions are ripe.”

Illustration accompanying “The Philippine Crisis” in Ang Malaya.

Modeling self on Mao, D.N. Aidit, head of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), released a comparable work in 1957, “Indonesian culture and the Indonesian Revolution.” The job-related was split into two chapters. The first chapter top top Indonesian Society, developed that due to the fact that of imperialism, Indonesia was a semi-feudal, semi-colonial country. Aidit increased upon Mao’s opened chapter, incorporating historic material to justification the party’s partnership with Sukarno and to reference Vice chairman Hatta for the country’s political ills, consisting of the violent suppression that the PKI in ~ Madiun in 1948. Like Mao, Aidit concluded the the jobs of the Indonesian transformation were national and also democratic in character and also not however socialist, and also like Mao, that examined each of the great in Indonesian society and attracted a difference between the comprador and also national bourgeoisie.

By the time, Sison created PSR the Maoist crib paper for creating the programmatic text for the activity was already well-worn. He adhered to Aidit’s development of including polemical historical material in the an initial chapter and reached the exact same conclusions together his predecessors: the Philippines was semi-colonial and also semi-feudal and, together a result, the work of the change were no socialist and also the nationwide bourgeoisie should be treated together an ally.

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I feeling compelled to incorporate an aside at this point. Since Sison modelled his work on Mao and Aidit, and drew inspiration from them, he has been accused on number of occasions by reactionary figures in the press and also academia of plagiarizing PSR. The accusation is absurd. The is a charge that is to work by those who will not, or probably cannot, connect in a systematic criticism the Sison’s ideas and so they master for every little thing mud they can find to throw at him.